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Area Militar General
Malvinas 1982
Documento secreto británico S17111 (AS – 5728/311/2):
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<blockquote data-quote="El Tordillo" data-source="post: 562999" data-attributes="member: 3331"><p>Alec was born in Puerto Argentino, the only town and Capital of Malvinas, in 1947. He received his education there in the two public schools having completed the basic Secondary Level and attained the age of fourteen years. As was customary in the islands traditions, at this age he became independent from his family and went to work on the farms in the Rural areas (or in the Camp as it was commonly known), turning his hand at a variety of jobs from wool-boy, navvy, tractor-driver, sheep-shearer, colt-tamer, foreman, etc. In 1968, he married and formed his first family and was widowed in 1977.</p><p>While living in the Camp, he decided to study with the correspondence school of ICS, with which he was able to gain access to the Universities of London and Edinburgh. He chose the Chartered Accountants career, for which he previously had to prepare himself in several subjects in order to be eligible to study Accountancy. On receiving his diploma, in 1975, he decided to try his luck in the town and began work in the largest local General Merchant’s Store of the Malvinas Islands Company (FIC). He was later appointed General Secretary of the Sheep-Owners Association which, incidentally, opened the doors to be able to practise accountancy which eventually led to becoming the General Secretary for 11 privately owned farms. </p><p>This direct contact with the upper-middle class in the Islands, gave him the opportunity to deal at first-hand with the idiosyncrasies of the minute circle of island “leaders”, most of whom were british citizens, temporarily settled in the Islands.</p><p><strong>On his own initiative, in 1976, Alec began his investigations on the political question of the Islands sovereignty, prompted by a Report drawn up by a British Commission informing on the non-renewable resources in the zone, more specifically: the prospect of oil reserves under the marine shelf. From here, he followed on by becoming aware of another Report, produced by Mr. Gaston de Bernhardt containing an extensive description of the historical-political and juridical aspects of the dispute. Despite having been commissioned by the Foreign Office to undertake this study, the author left no doubts about the weaknesses of the British claim to title over the Islands. These two sources were sufficient to provoke Alec to continue and deepened his studies of the issue, which continue today.</strong></p><p><strong>Due to the lack of information available in the Islands, he had to build-up his own consulting library, turning to French, Spanish, Argentine and British sources in order to have access to distinct and varied versions of the political-judicial dispute, from its very beginnings. In each document, each account, each compilation or résumé, there was something new to be learned and become informed about. This opened a totally unexpected and unknown horizon, which produced a 180º turn in his traditional posture in this issue, which is that of the pro-british stance of the common inhabitant of the Malvinas.</strong>This dramatic shift away from the traditional posture, brought him innumerable inconveniences of all imaginable kinds, but this doesn’t part him one inch from his deep-rooted conviction of the unjustness of the case and the unjustifiable british aggression of seizing a south-american territory, totally identified with the Spanish, River Plate Vice-royalty and over which Great Britain had no legitimate title whatsoever.</p><p>To Alec, this in turn, is the perfect example of the arrogance of the powerful and the hypocrisy of political discourse, which, at its best, is never all that sincere The events of 1982 were another example of the foregoing, when the british military reconquering of the Islands was used as an unavoidable democratic demand and was promoted as an unquestionable triumph of democracy over aggression. But, in reality, this reconquest was the direct opposite of what was Britain’s true obligation of collaborating with the United Nations Security Council in paving the way to a peaceful solution to a conflict that she herself had escalated to military intervention, in order to satisfy internal political needs. Great Britain was the author and promoter of Resolution 502 as a permanent member of the Security Council with a right to veto and she did everything within her power to obstruct the advance of another projected resolution in the Council, that went against her immediate interests. It goes without saying, that she achieved her aim. This blatant manipulation of power was possible (in great part) due to communications propaganda of colossal proportions (the international press), which paralyzed many of the wills that could have opposed the course that things had taken.</p><p></p><p><a href="http://elmalvinense.iespana.es/elmalvinense/derechos.htm">http://elmalvinense.iespana.es/elmalvinense/derechos.htm</a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="El Tordillo, post: 562999, member: 3331"] Alec was born in Puerto Argentino, the only town and Capital of Malvinas, in 1947. He received his education there in the two public schools having completed the basic Secondary Level and attained the age of fourteen years. As was customary in the islands traditions, at this age he became independent from his family and went to work on the farms in the Rural areas (or in the Camp as it was commonly known), turning his hand at a variety of jobs from wool-boy, navvy, tractor-driver, sheep-shearer, colt-tamer, foreman, etc. In 1968, he married and formed his first family and was widowed in 1977. While living in the Camp, he decided to study with the correspondence school of ICS, with which he was able to gain access to the Universities of London and Edinburgh. He chose the Chartered Accountants career, for which he previously had to prepare himself in several subjects in order to be eligible to study Accountancy. On receiving his diploma, in 1975, he decided to try his luck in the town and began work in the largest local General Merchant’s Store of the Malvinas Islands Company (FIC). He was later appointed General Secretary of the Sheep-Owners Association which, incidentally, opened the doors to be able to practise accountancy which eventually led to becoming the General Secretary for 11 privately owned farms. This direct contact with the upper-middle class in the Islands, gave him the opportunity to deal at first-hand with the idiosyncrasies of the minute circle of island “leaders”, most of whom were british citizens, temporarily settled in the Islands. [B]On his own initiative, in 1976, Alec began his investigations on the political question of the Islands sovereignty, prompted by a Report drawn up by a British Commission informing on the non-renewable resources in the zone, more specifically: the prospect of oil reserves under the marine shelf. From here, he followed on by becoming aware of another Report, produced by Mr. Gaston de Bernhardt containing an extensive description of the historical-political and juridical aspects of the dispute. Despite having been commissioned by the Foreign Office to undertake this study, the author left no doubts about the weaknesses of the British claim to title over the Islands. These two sources were sufficient to provoke Alec to continue and deepened his studies of the issue, which continue today. Due to the lack of information available in the Islands, he had to build-up his own consulting library, turning to French, Spanish, Argentine and British sources in order to have access to distinct and varied versions of the political-judicial dispute, from its very beginnings. In each document, each account, each compilation or résumé, there was something new to be learned and become informed about. This opened a totally unexpected and unknown horizon, which produced a 180º turn in his traditional posture in this issue, which is that of the pro-british stance of the common inhabitant of the Malvinas.[/B]This dramatic shift away from the traditional posture, brought him innumerable inconveniences of all imaginable kinds, but this doesn’t part him one inch from his deep-rooted conviction of the unjustness of the case and the unjustifiable british aggression of seizing a south-american territory, totally identified with the Spanish, River Plate Vice-royalty and over which Great Britain had no legitimate title whatsoever. To Alec, this in turn, is the perfect example of the arrogance of the powerful and the hypocrisy of political discourse, which, at its best, is never all that sincere The events of 1982 were another example of the foregoing, when the british military reconquering of the Islands was used as an unavoidable democratic demand and was promoted as an unquestionable triumph of democracy over aggression. But, in reality, this reconquest was the direct opposite of what was Britain’s true obligation of collaborating with the United Nations Security Council in paving the way to a peaceful solution to a conflict that she herself had escalated to military intervention, in order to satisfy internal political needs. Great Britain was the author and promoter of Resolution 502 as a permanent member of the Security Council with a right to veto and she did everything within her power to obstruct the advance of another projected resolution in the Council, that went against her immediate interests. It goes without saying, that she achieved her aim. This blatant manipulation of power was possible (in great part) due to communications propaganda of colossal proportions (the international press), which paralyzed many of the wills that could have opposed the course that things had taken. [url]http://elmalvinense.iespana.es/elmalvinense/derechos.htm[/url] [/QUOTE]
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Documento secreto británico S17111 (AS – 5728/311/2):
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