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Rumores y discusión sobre el próximo multirrol que no fue para la FAA
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<blockquote data-quote="koinorr" data-source="post: 1824856" data-attributes="member: 2417"><p><strong>PMCs </strong></p><p>Hay un entramado privado de empresas de outsourcing militar Rama americana y rama europea.</p><p>Si son contratos menores a 50millones de USD el Congreso de USA no interviene, es evidente que es un eufemismo, pero..., en el caso de Europa, Francia y UK son las que hacen esto.</p><p>Arabia Saudita utiliza este tipo de servicios desde los 70s, no encuentro el art'iculo que quer'ia donde explicaba que para solventar problemas de operaci'on de tecnolog'ias sensibles y equipos militares, caso Armada, los a'rabes recurr'ian al todo incluido , hasta personal franc'es para operar.</p><p></p><p><a href="http://yalejournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/062101stanger-williams.pdf">http://yalejournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/062101stanger-williams.pdf</a></p><p>Corporations: *extracto</p><p>Benefits and Costs of </p><p>Outsourcing Security</p><p>By Al l i s o n S tan g e r an d Mar k E r i c Wi l l iam s</p><p>S</p><p>ince the end of the Cold War, the United States has relied increasingly </p><p>on private military corporations (PMCs) and civilian contractors to </p><p>implement critical aspects of its security policy. Indeed, the past decade </p><p>has witnessed a quiet revolution in the way Washington projects its power </p><p>abroad. To illustrate, in the first Gulf War the ratio of U.S. troops on the ground </p><p>to private contractors was fifty-to-one; in the 2003 Iraq war, that ratio was </p><p>ten-to-one, just as it was during the Clinton administration’s interventions in </p><p>Bosnia and Kosovo; and recent U.S. anti-drug and counterinsurgency policy </p><p>in Colombia has maintained a ratio of five-to-one.1</p><p>As these figures suggest, </p><p>both Democratic and Republican administrations have steadily privatized </p><p>the implementation of U.S. foreign policy in significant ways by outsourcing </p><p>key military functions to private companies. Halliburton’s operations alone </p><p>offer a rough sense of the economic magnitude of this trend. The company’s </p><p>total contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan to date range in value from $11 to $13 </p><p>billion—more than twice what the first Gulf War cost U.S. taxpayers.2</p><p>Since 1990 the United States has employed PMCs to implement American </p><p>foreign policy objectives around the globe and to pursue a more ambitious </p><p>foreign policy agenda than its all-volunteer force might otherwise have </p><p>allowed.3</p><p>In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Kosovo, the United States </p><p>employed or licensed PMCs to train foreign armies, provide strategic advice, </p><p>and monitor peacekeeping. <strong>In Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, Washington </strong></p><p><strong>hired PMCs to provide strategic advice, weapons maintenance, aviation </strong></p><p><strong>and military training, and to support anti-narcotics trafficking efforts with </strong></p><p><strong>aerial surveillance, intelligence gathering, and crop-eradication flights</strong>. In Fall | Winter 2006</p><p>private Military</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="koinorr, post: 1824856, member: 2417"] [B]PMCs [/B] Hay un entramado privado de empresas de outsourcing militar Rama americana y rama europea. Si son contratos menores a 50millones de USD el Congreso de USA no interviene, es evidente que es un eufemismo, pero..., en el caso de Europa, Francia y UK son las que hacen esto. Arabia Saudita utiliza este tipo de servicios desde los 70s, no encuentro el art'iculo que quer'ia donde explicaba que para solventar problemas de operaci'on de tecnolog'ias sensibles y equipos militares, caso Armada, los a'rabes recurr'ian al todo incluido , hasta personal franc'es para operar. [URL]http://yalejournal.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/062101stanger-williams.pdf[/URL] Corporations: *extracto Benefits and Costs of Outsourcing Security By Al l i s o n S tan g e r an d Mar k E r i c Wi l l iam s S ince the end of the Cold War, the United States has relied increasingly on private military corporations (PMCs) and civilian contractors to implement critical aspects of its security policy. Indeed, the past decade has witnessed a quiet revolution in the way Washington projects its power abroad. To illustrate, in the first Gulf War the ratio of U.S. troops on the ground to private contractors was fifty-to-one; in the 2003 Iraq war, that ratio was ten-to-one, just as it was during the Clinton administration’s interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo; and recent U.S. anti-drug and counterinsurgency policy in Colombia has maintained a ratio of five-to-one.1 As these figures suggest, both Democratic and Republican administrations have steadily privatized the implementation of U.S. foreign policy in significant ways by outsourcing key military functions to private companies. Halliburton’s operations alone offer a rough sense of the economic magnitude of this trend. The company’s total contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan to date range in value from $11 to $13 billion—more than twice what the first Gulf War cost U.S. taxpayers.2 Since 1990 the United States has employed PMCs to implement American foreign policy objectives around the globe and to pursue a more ambitious foreign policy agenda than its all-volunteer force might otherwise have allowed.3 In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Kosovo, the United States employed or licensed PMCs to train foreign armies, provide strategic advice, and monitor peacekeeping. [B]In Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru, Washington hired PMCs to provide strategic advice, weapons maintenance, aviation and military training, and to support anti-narcotics trafficking efforts with aerial surveillance, intelligence gathering, and crop-eradication flights[/B]. In Fall | Winter 2006 private Military [/QUOTE]
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